Saturday, August 4, 2012

PLASZOW KL/KZ-"SCHINDLERS LIST" Part 1



PRELUDE
Oskar Schindler.
It was the winter of 1947/48 in Munich, Ted Feder, a former GI, was now Deputy Director of the Munich Office of the American Jewish Distribution Committee (AJJDC). His boss, Samuel L.Haber, called Ted into his office and told him: 'Ted, there is a German out there, he wants to see me. See him, see what he wants, and get rid of him'. When Ted Feder walked into the outer office, he saw a German sitting there in traditional Bavarian clothing: Winter Lederhosen with knee socks and a felt cap with a feather in it. As Feder uncomfortable approached the German, a side door opened and one of the office's workers, a Holocaust survivor, saw the German and cried out in Yiddish, 'Uns grettet, uns grettet (He saved us. He saved us). The survivor then fell to his knees and began to kiss the German hands. The German was Oskar Schindler..
At that time, Oskar Schindler was an impoverished former Sudeten German factory owner desperately searching for ways to survive financially during postwar hardships in Germany. With the exception of the 1.098 Schindlerjuden (Schindler Jews) who survived the war in larger part because of Schindlers efforts, few people knew of his exploits. Yet to many Schindlerjuden, he was already a god-like figure. This adoration was the basis for Schindler's extremely close relationship with many of his survivors until his death in 1974. 'My Jews or my children', as he often called them overlooked Schindler's human failings and continually searched for ways to help their flawed hero maintain in some semblance of a normal life, first in Germany, later in Argentina, and again in Germany. They helped him financially and looked for ways to honour him and tell the world about his unique efforts to save them during the Holocaust. The Schindlerjuden were driven, for the most part, by the deep love and admiration they had for him. When faced with Schindler's shortcomings, particular after the war, many would explain that it was these very character flaws that made him so effective during the Holocaust. In reality, their love for Oskar Schindler was so deep and reverential  that some would simply shrug off talk about his drinking and womanising and say, 'Oh that's just Oskar'.
Yet who was this Oskar Schindler? Was he truly the revered saviour portrayed in Steven Spielberg's film "Schindler's List"? Or was he a womanising alcoholic with questionable business skills? The only way to answer these questions is to look at the complete life of this controversial figure.

Germany invaded Poland September 1st 1939, they took Krakow on the sixth, then home to 60 000 Jews, 26 percent of the city's population. By years end, Jews lost the right to attend school, keep bank accounts, own business, or walk on the sidewalks. They were tagged by the yellow Star of David. By the following April, evacuation orders would reduce Krakow's Jewish population to 35 000.
All this transformed Poland into a land of economic opportunity for German entrepreneurs. They swarmed the cities, snapping up forfeited Jewish firms as their Treuhändlers, or trustees. [The American Occupation Forces did the same in Germany 1945 for any Nazi-owned business.sic] One of them was a young salesman named Oskar Schindler, born 1908 in the Sudetenland. He applied for NSDAP Party membership on February 10, 1939. By then he was an agent of the German Abwehr, the Intelligence Services. [He remained one of theirs to very end and probably played a double game when it suited his interests, it is amazing that he controlled a total of 25 Agents sic] In fact, he had been jailed in 1938 as a spy by the Czechs and was released when Germany annexed the Sudetenland. Oskar Schindler provided Polish Army Uniforms to the German Provocateurs who attacked the German border radio station at Gleiwitz the night before the invasion.
Heydrich’s plan, given the code name “Tannenberg” called for dressing SD operatives in Polish Uniforms, they would attack other SD men dressed in German Grenzpolizei (Border Police). The phony Polish troops would then seize the German radio station at Gleiwitz, about forty miles north of Mährisch-Ostrau. The phony Polish soldiers would also attack a nearby German forestry station and a boarder post. When the Germans in Polish uniforms had finished their attacks, they would bring in dead bodies from concentration camps to ensure that everything looked authentic. The SS gave the dead inmates the code name Konserven (canned goods).

On the 31st August a small SS-Unit under the command of Alfred Naujocks, dressed in Polish uniforms, attacked the Radio Station Gleiwitz, a customs house and a forestry lodge along the German-Polish border in order to stage, as Hitler called it the following day, 'Polish frontier violations of a nature no longer tolerable for a great power'.
The men proceeded to broadcast declarations in German and Polish through the Gleiwitz station. They left behind a number of dead concentration camp prisoners who had been murdered and stuck into Polish uniforms.
That same night Heydrich wrote his testament, drafted as a letter to his wife, but instructed his staff to keep it in the safe of his office and to hand it to his wife only 'when I am no longer alive'.
Did he have a foreboding?

What did all this have to do with Oskar Schindler? According to Emiliie Schindler, it was Oskar who had obtained and stored the Polish uniforms in their Mährisch Ostrau apartment before they were sent to Heydrich’s operatives for the attack on the radio station at Gleiwitz. Emilie adds that their first Polish uniform was obtained from a Polish soldier and then sent it to Berlin, were it was reproduced in large quantities. It is possible that a random Polish uniform was obtained this way, but most were obtained from Polish ethnic Germans who had deserted the Polish army and fled to Germany. They gladly turned over their uniforms to the Wehrmacht. This was Oskars only involvement in this aspect of the attack on Poland. According to historian Dr, Jaroslav Valente, even if Schindler had stored large quantities of Polish uniforms, weapons, and cigarettes in his department, it is doubtful he had much to do with the Gleiwitz attack because his operational area was around the Polish city Tesin near the Slovak border[…].

Whatever the motivation, Oskar Schindler (his code name: 'Otto Zeiler')  was actively engaged in espionage for the Abwehr well before the German takeover of the remnant of Czechoslovakia in March 1939. Alios Polansky (he was a Sudeten-Grman and engaged by the Abwehr,sic) says that he drove his boss Leutnant Görgey, an Abwehr Officer, three times to meet with Schindler in Moravska Ostrava before the German move into Czechoslovakia. Their last meeting was probably on March 12, 1939, three days before Hitler absorbed Bohemia and Moravia. Though Moravska Ostrava was still part of Czechoslovakia, the Abwehr used it as its prime listening post for developments within the country. As Hitler planned his second move against Czechoslovakia, though, Canaris was determined not to be excluded from planning Hitler's next moves. The Abwehr looked constantly for collaborators within Czechoslovakia and carefully watched the activities of Czechoslovak intelligent agents. To strengthen his intelligence-gathering operation in Czechoslovakia, Canaris even approached General Frantisek Moravec, head of the Czech military intelligence, about collaboration between the two agencies, General Moravec never responded to Canaris offer.


Oskar Schindler living the high life, his wife Emilie recalls: Göth drank incessantly and Oskar began to follow the rhythm. Before knowing the Nazi society, he hardly drank (contrary to all the evidence), but now I was afraid he would become an alcoholic.
Schindler took over an idled enamelware plant at 4 Lipowa Street in Krakow, capital of the Occupation Government. A Jew named Abraham Bankier had owned the plant. Schindler named it Deutsche Emailwaren Fabrik, and began turning out pots, pans, and mess kits for the German military. He had to come to seek his fortune, and with Jewish slave labour, he made one. By the end of 1942, Schindler employed 370 Jewish workers, all from the Krakow Ghetto. He paid their wages directly to the German General Government. Word quickly spread that his factory, outside the Ghetto, in the Zablocie District, was a save haven. With copious bribes, Schindler kept the SS at bay, so nobody was beaten on the job. He winked at the flurry of illegal "business" between the factory's Jewish and Polish workers. [It is most likely that he partook in these activities,sic] He lied for people so they could bring in friends and relatives. Most of his "skilled" workers had no skills at all.  Eventually one thousand Jews would gain sanctuary at the DEF (called Emalia by its workers).

Schindler's enamel factory in Kraków turned into museum in 2010 
Schindler met Amon Göth at the newly constructed Commandant's villa, Rotes Haus (the Red Villa), occupied by Göth and his mistress, Ruth Kalder. This informal dinner party was attended by all the bosses from the establishment, the armaments and supply factories, security and police chiefs - the establishment of the New Order. Schindler was there because of his persona and reputation for giving charitable gifts. He was also there doing his duty for Canaris, he was still working for the Abwehr as a spy.fcfvgbq  
Then on March 13th 1943 Untersturmführer Amon Göth liquidated the Ghetto. Those who lived through it became inmates at the Plaszow Forced Labour Camp on the outskirts of the city, under Göth's bloodthirsty command.  For a few months, Schindler's workers lived in the camp barracks and marched every day to the factory at 4 Lipowa Street. At the end of their shift, they would return to Amon Göth's hell, and very real possibility ending up dead on Chujowa Gorka, the camp's notorious execution hill.
Schindler made up Lists,[it probably was Goldberg who typed the List.sic]  to save human lives but the composition of these Lists are as much of a puzzle as Oskar Schindler's motives. Was he an angel masquerading as an opportunist? An opportunist masquerading as an angel? Did he intend to save eleven hundred Jews, or was their survival simply one result of his self-serving game plan? Did he build the  Emalia Subcamp to protect Jews or to keep Amon Göth from interfering in his lucrative black marketeering? Emilie Schindler recalled: “My husband built the barracks under SS supervision. Göth, of course, arranged the transfer of labor from Plaszow, but it was all based on my husband paying him. That was done with diamonds, presents, and other things, as money had no value”.  He was a gambler and loved to outwit the SS, in the beginning it was a game. It was fun at first. He joined the NSDAP to make money, but he had no stomach for killing. He enjoyed the wheeling and dealing and doing outrageous things, living on the edge, but then he realised if he did not save the Jews, nobody would. Did he have a sudden change of heart or undergo a gradual metamorphosis? For most survivors the bottomline is: "If I hadn't been with Schindler, I'd be dead, and that's all that's matters". [It is thought that nearly 400 "Schindlerjuden" are still alive, about half of them living in Israel, his fellow countryman  Julius Madritsch did perhaps just as much for the  Jewish inmates as Oskar, in Krakow, but was not immortalised by Spielberg, sic]
Schindler's Emalia subcamp extracted his workers from hell, but in August of 1944 he was ordered to reduce his workforce by about 700. In September , the Emalia Subcamp shut down and its remaining workers were sent to Plaszow. In October, Schindler moved his operation to a new plant at Brünnitz, Czechoslovakia, near his hometown, Zwittau. A second list was drawn up, providing the nucleus of the one in circulation today. The October list consisted of 300 original Emalia workers and 700 replacements for those shipped out in August. It should be noted that the Davar newspaper was a very important and popular newspaper in Palestine. In the issue of August-September 1944, lists of names appeared of Jews who were saved by Oskar Schindler from going to the Plaszow camp. It is believed that these lists were given to the Jewish Rescue Committee in Istanbul by Schindler. If this is the case, then during the whole of the war years the lists in Davar and the Madritsch list are the only real original lists which were complied many months before the so-called Brünnlitz lists.
Clearly, Oskar Schindler was a sybarite, a sexually voracious, thrillseeking dandy. He wore so much cologne that you could smell him before you saw him. Apparently he considered his sexual magnatism negotiable in situations where gemstones or vodka might have had a less dramatic impact. One of the survivors felt, that it was his personality more than anything else that saved them, another, who came from his hometown, said: "As a Zwittau citizen, I would have never considered him capable of all these wonderful deeds. Before the war, you know, everybody here called him Gauner(Swindler)". He permitted the Jews to observe holidays (secretly) and, at Brünnlitz, to bury their dead traditionally. He got them extra food and rudimentary medical care. He accepted "frozen transports" when no one else would, and, with his wife, Emilie, lavished personal attention and resources on behalf on the half-dead survivors. The Schindlers never slept a single night in their comfortable villa at Brünnlitz, sleeping instead in a small room at the factory, because Oskar understood how deeply the Jews feared late-night visits by the SS.

Oskar Schindler with female companions, apparently twins 1940.
It is hard to say what was in this creation of goodwill, which in itself was a valuable commodity, were his humane actions really planned to ensure that the grateful Jews would protect him after the Germans lost and support him for the rest of his life? Some people think so.
On April 18th 1945, Oskar Schindler recognised that everything was over, so he told someone in Brünnlitz, "Make me a list of all the people that are here". That's when Oskar Schindler hatched his plan of escape. There can be no question in anyone's mind that he needed this list of who survived in HIS camp because he was going to Germany and take this list into some agency. It's commonly believed that Schindler had far less to do with compiling the list than Marcel Goldberg, the greedy Jewish policeman, or his faithful accountant Itzak Stern. It was Goldberg who controlled the list, who demanded payment directly from those who wanted to go on the list. What's definite that 700 Emalia workers were sent to death camps. Some survived, others didn't. There is no small amount of bitterness among the former group and among the surviving relatives of the latter. After the war, some confronted Schindler, demanding to know why they had been left behind. He said he couldn't stand over Goldberg's shoulder keeping track all the time.
When Schindler left Brünnlitz, he was accompanied by Emilie, a mistress, and eight Jewish inmates assigned to safeguard him. The group left the factory on May 8th 1945, in Oskar's Mercedes. A truck pulling two trailers followed. The interior  of the Benz-the seats and door panels-had been stuffed with valuables. The Schindlers also carried letters, signed by some of his workers, explaining his role in saving their lives.
The entourage headed southeast, first getting stuck in a Wehrmacht convoy, then halted by Czech partisans. They stopped over for the night in a town called Havlickuv Brod. They spent a night at the town jail-not as prisoners, but for accommodations-then they awoke to find their vehicles stripped , inside and out. They proceeded by train and on foot.
In the spring of 1945 Kurt Klein, an intelligent officer in the US Army-a German born Jew-encountered Oskar's travelling party near the Czech village of Eleanorenhain, on it's way from Brünnlitz to the Swiss border. Klein got permits for the group to remain in the American Zone of Occupation until it could find transportation for the rest of the trip.
They were all dressed in prison uniform and presented themselves as refugees from a German Labour Camp. They didn't let on that Schindler, their Nazi Labour Camp Director, was in their midst, probably because they were afraid he would be arrested as POW.  They were correct, Klein's function was to interrogate and segregate Germans caught fleeing from Russian and Czech guns, he then enlisted the aid of other Jewish American servicemen to ensure the group's safe passage to the Swiss border town of Konstanz.
Schindler later on helped American investigators  gather evidence against Nazi war criminals by presenting them with detailed documentation on all his old drinking companions, on the vicious owners of other slave factories...on all the rotten group he had wined and flattered  while inwardly loathing, in order to help the lives of helpless people.
But in 1949, Oskar Schindler was a lost soul. Everyday life became more difficult and unsettled. A Sudeten German, he had no future in Czechoslovakia and at that time could no longer stand Germany he had once loved. For a time, he tried to live in Regensburg. Later he moved to Munich depending heavily on CARE parcels sent to him from America by some of the Schindlerjuden, but too proud to plead for more help. He apparently suffered from alcohol withdrawing symptoms, it is well known to have had an infinite capacity for alcohol. When he came to New York in 1957, he stayed with Manci and Henry Rosner in Queens. Manci remembers how "every night, we got him a bottle of cognac, and in the morning, I found an empty bottle. But he was never drunk". [a typival indication of an alcoholic, sic] Polish Jewish welfare organisations traced him, discovered him in want, and tried to bring some assistance even in the midst of their own bitter post-war troubles. However, he was warned in summer of 1945, to stay out of Poland, "Because he'd meet the same fate as had Dr. Gross and Kerner, the OD men (Jews killed for their war crimes). He'd meet it at the hands of those who got knocked off the list".
The Jewish Joint Distribution Committee gave Oskar money and set up the Schindlers in Argentina on a nutria ranch, where they tried raising the mink-like animals. He failed. Survivors bought him an apartment in Buenos Aires, but he left Emilie in 1957 and went back to Germany. He tried running a cement plant but failed on that too. He just couldn't seem to adjust to the banality of life in peacetime.
He visited Israel in 1962. The Schindlerjuden there received him like a potentate. From then on, he never lacked support from his "children". Before he died in 1974, he asked that the Schindlerjuden take his remains to Israel and bury him there. Schindler died in Hildesheim in Germany October 9, 1974, penniless. He lies in the Catholic cemetery on Mount Zion.
In late 1999 a suitcase belonging to Schindler was discovered, containing over 7,000 photographs and documents, including the list of Schindler's Jewish workers. The document, on his enamelware factory's letterhead, had been provided to the SS stating that the named workers were "essential" employees. Friends of Schindler found the suitcase in the attic of a house in Hildesheim, where he had been staying at the time of his death. The friends took the suitcase to Stuttgart, where its discovery was reported by a newspaper, the Stuttgarter Zeitung. The contents of the suitcase, including the list of the names of those he had saved and the text of his farewell speech before leaving his Jewish workers in 1945, are now at the Holocaust museum of Yad Vashem in Israel.
Emilie Schindler Poland 1940. Emilie Schindler 1994

Although Emilie and Oskar never divorced, they never saw each other again. Thirty-seven years after he left her, she visited his grave: At last we meet again... I have received no answer, my dear, I do not know why you abandoned me... But what not even your death or my old age can change is, that we are still married, this is how we are before God. I have forgiven you everything...
Emilie Schindler lived for many years in her small house in San Vicente, 40 kilometres south-west of Buenos Aires in Argentina with her pets. She received a small pension from Israel and Germany. Uniformed Argentinean police were posted 24 hours a day to protect her from anti-Semitic and extremist groups.
In July 2001, during a visit to Berlin, Emilie Schindler told reporters that it was her "greatest and last wish" to spend her final years in Germany, adding that she had become increasingly homesick. She died from the effects of a stroke in Märkisch-Oderland Hospital, Berlin, on the night of 5 October 2001, at the age of 93 years. Her only relative is a niece in Bavaria. She is buried at the cemetery in Waldkraiburg, Germany, about an hour away from Munich. Her tombstone includes the words from the Mishnah, Sanhedrin 4:5, Wer einen Menschen rettet, rettet die ganze Welt ("Whoever saves one life, saves the entire World.").


PLASZOW KL-"SCHINDLERS LIST'-
The Plaszow camp was built in 1942 as a labour camp for Jews after the closure of the Krakow ghetto, which was 2.5 kilometres away. During the year 1943 it became a transit camp for other forced labour camp inmates from the ghettos  in the district of Krakow which were gradually closed. The camp also served as a labour reservoir up to the end of 1943, for the remaining camps at Skarzysko-Kamienna, Starachowice in the Radom district, as well as Tschestochau, Mielec, Wieliczka and Zakopane. In addition to the Jewish part of it in July 1943, it was a detention centre for non-Jewish Poles, who accounted for between 10-20 percent of the inmates. Here, the "political" prisoners are to be distinguished from the rest. Poles were arrested for a limited time simply for non-observance of curfew restrictions. But the Political Prisoners were given usually indefinite prison terms and then transferred after a few months into the concentrate camps at Auschwitz or Gross-Rosen.  Among them was a large group from the Gestapo prison in Pomorska and Montelpich, they were suspected of resistance activities by the Gestapo.
Finally, Plaszow was converted in January 1944 into a concentration camp. This happened at the time, when most surviving forced labour camps and ghettos in September 1943 within the General Government were finally liquidated.

forced labour at Plszow
Plaszow is a peculiarity in the overall planning of Nazi concentration camps, because it was on the outskirts of the city of Krakow, and in the immediate vicinity of homes. The proximity to the city was crucial for several reasons, in the history of the camp:
1. The Jewish prisoners worked at first, as before at the ghetto relocation and it's closure, in Krakow's factories which were accessible by daily marches under SS guard. Apart from the resulting contact with the outside world and better working conditions compared to the internal camp facilities , it strengthened the economic position of the prisoners, whose only "life insurance" to prolong and probably save their lives was the importance to work in a military run operations.
2. Access to the black market [this expression and it's method is often misunderstood, especially by Americans, it was simply based on a barter system: "I give you two packets of cigarettes for your half loaf of bread" , or what ever and was a necessity for survival. I did the same after 1945 and other things, besides Jews to the best of my knowledge did not receive any wages, what other method did they have?sic] of the city was essential for them, but also for the supply to the camp operations in working at the Enamelware Factory of Oskar Schindler or the Clothing Factory of Julius Madritsch. Both were German or rather Austrian Industrialist,  who employed Plaszow prisoners.They became close friends, but this friendship soured at the end over Schindler's claim that only 60-65 of Maditsch's Jews were on the list for Brünnlitz
3.  Most of the prisoners, men, women and children, often entire families came from Krakow, and knew each other through membership in the Jewish community. This resulted in the camp solidarity and was helpful in a tight knit community. In addition, many prisoners had friends and acquaintances on the "Aryan" side, which had it's limits, although support from that direction was there.
4.   Organisations like the Jewish Support Unit (JUS), Rada Glowna Opiekuncza committee (RGO the Main Council for Support) and the Polish Aid Organisation had easy access to the camp to help the needy.
Plaszow had in contrast to other concentration camps very few satellite camps. The majority of the prisoners was quartered in the main camp and worked there for the German SS operating Equipment Works Deutsche Ausrüstungswerke) (DAW).

The handwritten entry in German reads: Oktober ???, Verzeichnis der von den ??? Schindler über unser Ersuchen übernommenen Leuten unseres Betribes R. Fitz?l
Madritsch Factory 
[Note: The JUS, the successor organisation to the zydowaska Samopomoc spoleczna (zSS), was a Jewish Social Self-Help arrangement, which was disbanded in the summer of 1942 by the Germans but due to the intervention of the International Red Cross, it was re-established in March 1943 as "Jewish Support Unit", short JUS , and re-admitted to the department,  under "Welfare for Population" Organisation with Headquarters throughout the General Government, one located in Krakow. Dr. Weichert, a Polish Jew, was allowed to keep for this purpose, his former apartment in the Krakow ghetto. He was able to move freely in the city and bring charitable assistance into the camps. The support came from abroad, the National Red Cross and Joint, mostly Jewish organisations from Sweden, and Switzerland, as well as from grants from the Administration of the General Government at the RGO. In July 1944 ended the activities of the JUS. The Hauptfürsorgerat (Main Welfare Advisory) was a Polish NGO that worked with the permission and under the control of the German occupying power in the General Government, as an umbrella organisation it was the Polish Relief Committee.sic]

Plaszow Mealtime

 THE LIST -THE FICTION - THE MYTH
By the time that Schindlerjude Sam Birenzweig (Zimich Birnzweig) became a prisoner in Plaszow in the early fall of 1944 it was almost empty, he said, it had a vibrant black market fuelled by a "Plaszow-area store that still stocked luxury items like vodka and salami". Sam says the store was for 'show' because the Germans still wanted 'to maintain he illusion that they were winning the war'. These luxury items 'were like diamonds. I did not eat good food like this for three or four years! I bought it inside Plaszow. People there had money. This was terrific '! It is also important to remember Hans Stauber's comments to Heinrich Himmler at about the same time. Stauber the Chief Treasurer of the Army Post Administration in Krakow , had complained to the Reichsführer SS in early September1944 about the active black market trading between guards and Jewish prisoners in Plaszow. So there were valuables in Plaszow to buy almost everything, even human life. It is doubtful, though, that more than a handful of the remaining inmates had anything significant to trade. If they did, it was usually used to buy brad or other foodstuff to supplement their meagre diet.
And although some people bribed Marccel Golberg to get onto 'Schindler's List', most were on it for other reasons. Many of the places, for example, were already predetermined. Mierek Pemper said during an interview, that although Oskar Schindler had little to do with the actual creation of the list, he gave Franz Müller several guidelines for who he wanted on the list. He first wanted 'my people', meaning the remaining Emalia Jews., Madritsch's list of workers, and specially trained metal workers. Beyond this, Goldberg had to add to the list the workers who had accompanied Brünnlitz's new commandant, Josef Leipold, from the aviation factory in Wieliczka. The Jews chosen by Madritsch, or, more precisely, his manager, Reimond Tisch, were the most prominent Jews from the factory. The same was true with the Jews chosen by Josef Leipold, the new SS-Commandant for Brünnlitz.
The scene, which was taken from Thomas Kennely's historical novel 'Schindler's List', is pure fiction. For one thing, Oskar Schindler had no role in preparing the famous list other than giving SS-Hauptsturmführer Franz Josef Müller, some guide lines for the type of workers he wanted on the list. Moreover Amon Göth was in prison in Breslau when the list was being prepared and played no role in its creation. In reality, the creation of the famous 'Schindler's List', like so much of the Schindler story, is more complex. Its author was not Oskar Schindler, Itzak Stern, Mierek Pemper, Abraham Bankier, or even Amon Göth. Instead, the person responsible for the preparation of 'Schindlers List' was a corrupt Jewish OD man, Marcel Goldberg, he was the assistant of  SS-Hauptsturmführer Franz Müller, who was responsible for the transport lists. Spielberg's version of the creation of the famed 'Schindler'sList' certainly fits more comfortably  with his efforts to underscore Oskar Schindler's decency and concern for his Jewish workers, but the reality is that Schindler had very little to do with it and he admitted as much after the war. In fact, only about a third of the Jews on the list had worked for Oskar Schindler in Krakow before he was given permission to transfer part of his factory operation to Brünnlitz. And more often than not, many of those who were put on Goldberg's list were prominent prewar Cracovian Jews or important Jewish officials in Plaszow. Some Jews were able to bribe their way onto the list, though this was more the exception than the rule. Others were on the list because they had worked for Julius Madritsch or had worked previously for Josef Leipold, Brünlitz's new SS-commandant. And some were on the list because they were lucky.

                                   
                                  Schindler's factory at Brněnec (Brünnlitz) in 2004                                                                                                                        
                     
                               
The complexities surrounding the creation of the famous 'Schindler List' , underscores the tragic series of events that led to its creation. The list was, Itzhak Stern told Schindler as he completed typing it in the film, 'an absolute good, the list is life, all around its margins lies the gulf'. That gulf, of course, was the death and horror of the Shoah. And all the Jews who did not make it onto the list faced the possibility of death during the final months of World War II. Germany may have been losing the war, but this had little impact on the fate of inmates. The Nazi commitment to rid Europe of all the Jews continued until the very end of the conflict at Plaszow.
After the war, Oskar was bitter about what he saw as Julius Madritsch's failure to do more to put substantial number of his Jewish workers on the list. Oskar first alluded to this in his 1945 financial report. He mentioned as part of his discussion about the transfer of his armament operations from Emalia to Brünnlitz that Raimund Tisch had been able to rescue 'at least part of his Jews to my relocated factory in Brünnlitz. This was a task that in my opinion  should have been Mr. Marditsch's obligation'. He added that Tisch visited Brünnlitz several times to make sure that his Jews were 'not living in danger and also to give them the support and mail of foreign friends'.
 Oskar was more pointed in his criticism of Madritsch in several letters he wrote to Dr. K.J. Ball-Kaduri, who was investigating the Schindler story in the summer and fall of 1956. On August 21, 1956, Dr. Ball-Kaduri had written Itzhak Stern in Israel and asked him to talk about his experiences in Poland during the Holocaust. Stern let Oskar read the letter and suggested that he also share his experiences with Dr. Ball-Kaduri. Over the next few months, Oskar and Dr. Ball-Kaduri corresponded about Oskar's wartime experiences. In one of the letters, Dr. Ball-Kaduri asked Oskar whether he had a copy of Madritsh's wartime memoirs, 'Menschen in Not' (People in Distress). Oskar had already told Dr. Ball-Kaduri of his frustration with Madritsch, though he did not mention him by name. In his letter to the Yad Vashem researcher  on September 9, 1956, Oskar talked of being urged during his last months in Emalia 'to emigrate to Switzerland in order to save myself and my financial possessions'.  This would have meant, Oskar explained, 'to leave everything to its predetermined fate (extermination)' Oskar also admitted that 'it took quite a bit of moral strength to say 'no'. Yet he wondered 'who would have dared condemn me, if I had left for Switzerland and after being imprisoned by the dangerous Gestapo?'
For Oskar the real hero in this story was Tisch who, he thought deserved 'an Iron Cross for humaneness'. He said that Tisch alone was the motor and it was because of his selfless, undaunted actions when Jewish people were helped at the Madritsch factory'. Tisch felt the same way about Schindler. After the war, he said, 'I look upon Schindler as the greatest adventurer I have ever known, the bravest man I have ever known'.
According to Schindler, when he asked Madritsch about putting some of his Jews on the list, Madritsh seemed uninterested. Oskar continued to press him on the matter until Madritsch said: 'Dear Oskar, spare yourself your words, it is a lost cause. I am not spending another dime in it.' Tisch who was also at the party, spoke with Oskar later that evening and hastily put together a list with sixty-two names on it. Tisch later admitted that it was difficult to come up with so many names at a loud, drunken party. Oskar said that he was then able to persuade Büscher, who was in a good mood, to sign it. He explained that the Jews on the list would be factory tailors'. But the handwritten note that Tisch gave to Oskar that night was not the final Madritsch list.
Several interesting things can be learned from this list, particularly when it is tied to Oskar's discussion with Madritsch and Tisch in October 1944. Schindler's list was prepared  just after he got permission from the Armaments Inspectorate and the SS to move his armaments operations to Brünnlitz. We know from Oskar's comments that this matter was uncertain until the last minute. And from the time Oskar received this order to shut down his armaments production at Emalia, Göth and his successor Büscher, were emptying Plaszow of its Jewish prisoners. With the transport of 4,000, there were still 20,000 prisoners in Plaszow of its Jewish prisoners. With the transport of 4,000 prisoners to Stutthof concentration camp in Germany in late July 1944, there were still about 20,000 prisoners left. On August 6th, Göth shipped 7,500 Jewish women to Auschwitz and four days later 4,589 Jewish men to Mauthausen, which reduced the camp's population by almost half. On August 10th, another 1446 Jewish women were sent from Plaszow to Auschwitz, and in September, the SS closed the Polish section of the camp. Only 7,000 Jews now remained in Plaszow. This was by no means the end of transports that left the camp.
The transport on October 15th and 22nd. included the 700 men and 300 women, who were to be sent ultimately to Brünnlitz. Schindler's seemingly last minute request to Madritsch for 300 names, principally women, is revealing because he appeared to be desperate to find names to fill the women's list. One would have presumed that when Schindler told Franz Müller  that his first priority was 'my people', he meant the men and women who had worked for him at Emalia. We have no idea how many women worked for Oskar at Emalia, but given the 700:300 ratio of his 1944 list, one would presume that this was about how many women worked in his Krakow factory. But if Oskar was asking Madritsch to fill his female quota completely, then little must have been done to protect his former female workers. This probably had less to do with Oskar's concern over the fate of his Emalia workers than his inability to win approval for his move to Brünnlitz until the eve of the next to last liquidation stage for Plaszow. If that was so, there was probably little he could do to keep his individual workers off the ongoing transports out of Plaszow. A case in point, of course, was the Mauthausen transport of August 10th. All that Oskar could do in that situation was, help make the trip to Austria a little more comfortable for his former Jewish workers. Because Madritsch and Tisch were able to come up with only sixty names at the last minute, Marcel Goldberg had to fill the remaining places for women bound for Brünnlitz. Complicating the matter further, the  three-hundred women on the female Plaszow-Auschwitz-Brünnlitz list were mainly women who had worked for Oskar Schindler in Emalia. Goldberg of course, was on the October 15th Transport to Groß-Rosen, so there is no way to tell whether changes were made on the female list during the last week.
After the war Madritsch explained what seemed to be his hesitancy to join Schindler in Brünnlitz. He had planned for some time to move his operation to Lower Austria and open his factory in Drosendorf. These plans fell through, he explained, because the fields where he wanted to build his barracks  for his Jewish workers had not been harvested. Local officials then rejected his application for the move. One wonders whether the real reason for local Austrian disapproval was similar to the one Schindler encountered when he tried to move his armament factory to the Sudetenland. At this juncture, Madritsch wrote, he accepted Schindler's offer to move his sewing machine factory to Brünnlitz. He was given permission of the economic officials in the General Government and the HSSPF-Ost for the move, but failed to get approval from Maurer's D2 Office. Madritsch made several trips to Berlin to argue his case but was finally told that 'uniforms are not essential production items for the war effort. Fighting is possible in civilian clothes, too. Jewish work forces are to be used in the production of ammunition only'!
Madritsch said that by August 6th, 1944 he had given up hope of ever moving his factory. Gradually, many of Madritsch's 2,000 workers were sent to Auschwitz and Mauthausen. He was initially allowed to keep about 300 men and 200 women for clean-up work. They would be placed on the final October transport to Groß-Rosen and Auschwitz. He said he provided Oskar with one-hundred names for his list and also gave him 'several hundred meters of  textiles from his Krakow stock piles'.
But Madritsh's story did not end there. In the early September, he visited his family in Vienna, where he and his wife 'were buried alive in my mother's house after an air raid on Vienna'. But his troubles were only beginning. On November 3rd, 1944, the SD arrested him in Krakow and put him in the city's infamous Montelupich prison. Three days later, he was transferred to a prison in Berlin. The SD explained that his name had been found on a list of the resistance movement in Poland: 'I was supposed to have spread gruesome stories about Plaszow.  'That's all'? The SD released him after twelve days.
Given all this, why did Oskar feel so betrayed by Madritsch? [They had been close friend right from the beginning,sic] There is no reason to doubt Madritsch's version of the story. The Jews who worked for him considered him Schindler's equal when it came to the treatment of his Jewish workers. Just after the war, Irwin [Izak] and Phylli/Feiga Wittenberg) Karp, both Schindler's Jews, went to Vienna to testify in support of Madritsch and Tisch's efforts during the Holocaust. Madritsch had taken over their business, Hugo and Irvin helped run the business for Madritsch. Celina Karp Biniaz, Irwin and Phyllis's daughter, described Madritsch as a 'more elegant and classy than Schindler'. He was she added, 'a good human being with a heart'. She was equally complimentary of Tisch, whom she considered 'a wonderful man who got caught in the wrong place at the wrong time. During the war. Jakub Feigenbaum gave Tisch some diamonds to keep for him. When the war ended, he went to Vienna to find Tisch, who returned the diamonds.

Julius Madritsch and Oskar Schindler were very different people. Madritsch had a good working relationship with Amon Göth, yet he never felt the need to cross the line when it came to sharing Göth's passion for wild parties and drinking. Helen Sternlicht-Rosenzweig, one of Amon Göth's two Jewish maids, said that, unlike Oskar, Madritsch was not a womanizer. Madritsch's virtuous ways and kind treatment of his Jewish workers made him, along with Tisch, a prime candidate for nomination as a Righteous Among the Nations in Israel after the war. It is quite possible that Oskar was jealous of Madritsch, who prospered after the war ended. After their escape to Germany, Oskar and Emilie became very close to some of the Jews they had cared for and protected during the Shoah. In this unguarded environment, questions must have been asked  about why certain people made the list and others did not. Given Madritsch's reputation as someone friendly and helpful to Jews, some Schindlerjuden must have wondered why some of their friends and relatives who worked for Madritsch were not on the list. Given the inconsistencies, favouritism, luck, bribery, it would have been easier to blame questions about the 'missing' on Madritsch rather than Oskar Schindler, who was gradually emerging as a saint to many of his former Jewish workers.
But there is no doubt that jealously was a factor once the issue of Madritsch and Schindler came to the attention of Yad Vashem in the mid-1950s. By this time, Oskar had failed in his business ventures in Argentina, and his efforts to save Jews during the war became an important part of his identity. To suddenly have to share it with Julius Madritsch, a successful man of seeming impeccable character, was probably a little more than Oskar could handle. From Schindler's prospective, Madritsch owed his postwar success to the money he made during the war, and this only added to Schindler's dislike of him. Raimond Tisch on the other hand, was a different matter. He was not a factory owner and therefore as threatening to Schindler as Madritsch. Oskar had read Madritsch's memoirs, 'Menschen in Not', but said little about it. He never questioned the accuracy of Madritsch's account, winch was filled with countless, daring tales of efforts to help Jews throughout the war. Perhaps Oskar, who's own account of his wartime efforts to save Jews was published in Germany in 1957, was uncomfortable about sharing the limelight with someone whom some Schindlerjuden considered Oskar Schindler's equal.

              SIDE ISSUES ABOUT SCHINDLER'S LAT YEARS OF HIS LIFE

LOVE AND BITTERNESS - NOT A PERFECT MAN
It was a typical, hot, late July day in Tel Aviv in 1970. Ami ( Annemarie) Staehr had just arrived in Israel's beautiful coastal city with her husband Dr. Heinrich Staehr, who was working with the West German reparation (Wiedergutmachungen) program for Israeli's Holocaust survives. Dr Staehr was there medically to investigate and help  to determine the amount each survivor was to receive, which was based on trauma he or she had suffered during the war. Ami Staehr wa sitting alone on the beach when she noticed someone standing near her.

                                  
                    Tel Aviv's coastline (seen from Jaffa) is highly urbanized

The soles of the man's feet were covered in blood. Standing before her was Oskar Schindler, so drunk that he did not know he had blistered his feet in the hot sand. A month earlier, Oskar had done the the same ting at the Dead Sea. Entranced by this tall, handsome German, Ami bandaged his feet. Several days later, she wrote her daughter in law Tina Staehr, that she had met a 'real hero a hero named Oskar Schindler.' Thus began the last, and perhaps most important romance in Oskar Schindler's life.

                                     
                              Schindler poses with Jews he rescued circa 1946

   After Oskar died in Hildesheim in 1974, Ami gathered many of his private papers from his apartment in Frankfurt and took them back to her home in Hildesheim, which is about two hundred miles Northwest of Frankfurt. These famed Koffer (suitcases) files were later discovered by her son, Chris, after the death of his father Heinrich in 1997. In the midst of two pending lawsuits bu Emilie Schindler, who still lived in Argentina, Chris Staehr managed to spirit this vast collection of Oskar Schindler,s private papers out of Germany to Yad Vashem in Israel.
  Oskar Schindler had many girlfriends throughout his life. But apart from his marriage to Emilie and his relationships with his wartime girls, except perhaps Ami Staehr, none of the other romances seemed very important, with only one, his staid affair with Herta Klage, who was Oskar's girlfriend and secretary in the 1960's,. As he grew older, Oskar, unlike many men his-age sought ties with attractive mature women. Oskar had a magnetic personality and remained handsome even as he aged. He never had trouble attracting women, his only problem was keeping them.
Dr. Dieter Trautwein said that the main reason Oskar had trouble keeping girlfriends was his drinking. Oskar knew he drank too much and  that his heavy drinking was partly responsible for his poor health. In fact, his heavy drinking was one of the few criticisms  that was ever mentioned about him from his Schindler Jews. Oskar tried time and again to stop drinking, but always slipped back. His close friend Lotte Schiffler wrote him an "SOS" letter in 1970 in which she, along with his physician in Frankfurt, Dr. Horst Metz, gave Oskar a blunt warning. 'You are completely ruining yourself with alcohol.' Lotte Schiffler told him he had many friends who wanted to spend a decade of friendship with him. But they wanted him this time to be rosy red and not blue [drunk]. Unfortunately, about the best Oskar could do about his drinking problem was try to limit the amount he drank each day. An autopsy report, two days after his death in Hildsheim on October 9th 1974, noted that Oskar drank from two to four cognacs a day and smoked twenty cigarettes (down from forty).
By the time Oskar met Ami Staehr on the beach in Tel Aviv, he had already suffered one heart attack and had serious kidney problems and diabetes. Ami fell madly in love with Oskar, though in a mature, distant way. She remained true to her marriage and husband, Heinrich, who had previously indulged in numerous affairs, and Oskar was drawn into their family circle as a friend.Oskar travelled with Ami and Heinrich and became close friends with their son and daughter in lae Tina who approved of Ami's relationship with Oskar, Chris and Tina ha always fretted over Heinrich's affair with other women and knew that they depressed Ami.They were overjoyed that her relationship with Oskar made Ami happy, Oskar's death devastated Ami but also led to the revitalization of her marriage to Heinrich. Dr. Staehr, who became one of Oskar's physicians, was well aware of their relationship and a bit jealous of Oskar. Fortunately, he  and Ami became closer after Oskar's death in 1974 and had a happy marriage in the years before Ami's death in 1988.
What we know of Ami's relationship with Oskar comes from her modest diary, the comments from Dr. Trautwein and  Dr Charlotte Schiffler. His chance meeting with Ami Staehr came at a particularly meaningful time for Oskar who had broken up with Herta Kluge the year before. Though Oskar never said much about it, his friends sensed his pain over the the breakup. For years, Herta had accompanied Oskar on his visits to Israel and the United states. Jakob Sternberg blamed the breakup on Herta's daughter, Lotte Schiffler who seemed infatuated with Oskar even though she was married,also sensed the loneness and told Oskar that he needed the sympathy of a women' one 'who is quite free of other baggage.who has no grandchildren on her lap', in other words,  a women who could 'make herself beautiful' for him alone. Ami Staehr, though she had a grandchild, was able to give herself totally to Oskar within the the context of her married life in Hildesheim. She became his intimate friend, confidant and muse, and the time they spend together, particularly in Israel were some of the happiest in Oskar's life. Oskar called Ami 'a piece of gold' for all she did for him when he was sick in the summer of 1973,and Lotti Schiffler added that Ami was even better than gold for Oskar.. The day after Ami met Oskar on the beach, she sent an elegant, handmade get-well card to his room No. 74 at the hotel Narcissis. It is difficult to describe the care and love that went into making the card, but it let Oskar know that it was sent by someone who had more than just a passing interest in this 'real hero'. Later that year they vacation together in Dubrovnik , Yugoslavia, and the following spring spent some time together in Israel. Some of the memorable photographs taken by Oskar during the last years of his life, show him with Ami in Israel. They depict a happy content couple and surprisingly tanned, healthy-looking Oskar.         It was no secret of course, that their relationship was more than platonic.
During his stay with Ami in Israel  in 1973 there are no indication of Oskar's delicate health In their autopsy  a year later doctors indicated that Schindler was always ' healthy until December 1973'., when he had a stroke. In reality he was a very sick man and in lot of pain well before this date. As early as 1972 Oskar very had high blood pressure, Problems included defect of  the lower spine and was so painful that it kept him from sleeping. In addition Oskar talked about a'strophantinue'for his heart' and constant kidney basin 'suppperation'. He also had nerve pain in his feet and had an oscilloscope treatment for his legs He alo wrote to his friend Page that he had 'radioactive isotopes'  for his kidneys  as well as hundred injections. He became quite ill in Israel during a visit with the Staehrs in June 1973, and, though Oskar returned to Germany, Dr.Moshe Beiski told him that he needed 'constant medical supervision'.

                                           Oskar Schindler and Anne Marie Staehr
                                      Oskar Schindler and Anne Marie Staeh

'Oskar returned to Hildesheim on August 8th, and, except for a brief trip back to Frankfurt approved by his physician  Dr. Kleinsong, he  would spend the remaining weeks of his life in Hildesheim with the Staehrs. Oskar's health was deteriorating and Ami Staehr called Dieter Trautwein in late August to let him know that Oskar's continuing heart heart problems.. Dr. Trautwein then called Lotte Schiffler who wrote Ami Staehr and asked her about the prospect of a heart operation for Oskar.. Dr James Osborne made it clear that heart surgery was in its infancy at the time, so he was uncertain what Schiffler meant by this. Instead, the decision was made to give Schindler a pacemaker to help stabilise his heart rhythms .
It is possible to piece together what happened next from the autopsy resort prepared two days after Oskar died, a letter that Ami wrote to Dr. Beiski and Itzak Stern's wife for Oskar's Israeli friends just before he died on October 9th, and one she sent to Oskar's niece Traude Ferrari ,on December 1974. The autopsy report noted that a week before he was admitted to the hospital, Schindler was suffering from swollen feet as well as server breathing problems, lack of appetite, and sleep'. the decision was made to give him a pacemaker at the St.Bernhard Krankenhaus. a Roman Catholic hospital in Hildesheim. During the operation Oskar slipped into a coma and never regained  consciousness. He was placed into the intensive care unit of the St Bernard's. Ami described what happened next in her letter to Dr. Beiski and Mrs.Stern. She wrote on October 7th, and described Oskar's condition afer he slipped into the coma. For the most part, she told them,'he was dozing along with constant unconsciousness though he was periodically responsive to those around him. When his name was mentioned, he would open hjs eyes and sometimes say:'Yes'. But for the most part, Ami explained, he had no idea where he was or what was happening to him.  Because Oskar was in  intensive care, Ami was not able to be with him  all the time,  although she called the hospital  to find out how he was doing,, and she was told the same thing: 'No change, Mr. Schindler is still alive'. She reassured Beiski and Stern that everything was being done medically and personally to care for him. On the day she wrote the-letter, it was decided to put Oskar on 'liquids and astronaut food' to help flush his kidneys. Oskar was now nothing more than 'skin and bones'. She was glad that Dr. Beiski and Mrs. Stern did not have to see Oskar like this. She ended by writing that she felt it was ' a greeting from God' that Oskar was obliviousness what was happening to him 'Since the unconsciousness also spared him the pains, the tortures. Two days later, October 9th 1974, Oskar Schindler passed away. During this period. the pacemaker worked very well. His body damaged by his diabetes as well as his kidney, heart, and other problems simply gave out. From Ami Staehr's perspective, his slow death 'was more an extinguishing of his spirit,  diminishing of all energies, a breakdown of all functions'. Oskar Schindler was sixty-five years old.

                                         
                                        Memorial plaque to Oskar Schindler (1995), Regensburg

THE DEATH OF OSKAR  SCHINDLER
For most part Oskar recovered from his stroke, though Lotte Schiffler told him when she saw him in April 1974 that he seemed 'fresh and rested'. Yet a month earlier Oskar could not permit her in his apartment to help him with small things such as 'cipping the nails and other things'. Oskar was was still having trouble with te paralysis on the right side of his body, and Lotte suggested that he receive  a salt water treatment to help 'revive the right side again'. She also wondered whether the expensive injection he was receiving were helping his paralysis. Oskar was able to travel and went to Hildesheim for four days for Ami Staehr's birthday in early March. After the stroke, the Staehrs made a small room for Oskar in their apartment in Hildesheim which in a way became his second home. He returned for a visit to Hildesheim in late May ans styed with the Staehrs for about ten days.

                                        

                Schindler's grave with stones, as can be seen in the film Schindler's List (1993)

Oskar's death devastated Ami Staehr, she wrote Dr. Beiski a month-after his death that, for her 'time now stood still.'

CLOSURE OF THE KRAKOW GHETTO

 Gates to the Kraow Ghetto, around 1942
The history of the Plaszow camp with the history of Krakow's Jews is closely linked. Before the Second World War, there lived in Krakow 64 958 Jews on a static projection that was based on the census of 1931. Immediately before the war, some Jews left Krakow, which were mainly the assimilated or Zionist-oriented Intellectuals  and Financial Elite. Many lawyers, industrialists and Doctors managed to leave Poland in time. What remained were mostly merchants, craftsmen and administrative and clerical workers, which later formed the majority of prisoners in Plaszow.  Also remained virtually all Orthodox Jews. For them it was because of their looks and their lack of the Polish language, that they rarely had the opportunity for themselves to mix or hide on the "Aryan" side of the population. Most of them were shot at the first "action" in the ghetto or were deported to extermination camps. In the chaos of the war in September and October 1939, many Jews left Krakow, they fled east into the Soviet Union. Some managed to escape to Palestine , Western Europe or the United States. The majority remained on the Polish territory that had been occupied by the Soviets after the invasion in 1939, and were murdered in 1941 after the German invasion of the Soviet Union. The exact number of Jewish refugees is not known, but it varies in the order of probably a few thousand to 10 000 people.

Krakow Liquidation Notification
Governor-General  Hans Frank had already declared on 12 April 1940 that Krakow has to be judenfrei ("Jew-free") and not more than 10 000 Jews that "are urgently needed as craftsmen should be left behind". On May 18, 1940, a proclamation was issued, that the Jewish population from smaller cities of the General Government should be resettled, up to and until 1 November 1940 about 32 000 Jews left  Krakow.[their destination is not recorded.sic]On 3 March, the Governor of the District Krakow, Otto Wächter, ordered the establishment of a ghetto inside the city. The Schedule to achieve this was a short one: Until the 20th March all the non-Jewish citizen that lived on and around the the 20-acre Terrain of the district Podgorze had to leave and Jews were moved there instead. This constituted now the ghetto and  12 000 ID cards were issued to them. Officially on July 13, 1941 Jews that lived in the ghetto accounted for 10 873. In addition to this there were also several thousand people who lived in the ghetto without permission, and by the fall of 1941, these were the evacuees from the smaller ghettos from neighbouring communities. In the end of the year 1941 a total of between 17 00 to 20 000 Jews lived in the Krakow Ghetto.

A column of Jews march through the streets of Krakow during the final liquidation of the ghetto 
In July 1942 Governor-General Frank and his Administration who had been responsible for the "Jewish question" so far, was withdrawn from them and transferred to the Security Police. In preparation for it, by May 29/30 the ID cards had already been provided with a new stamp. Ghetto residents, from that day onwards had to show the new,  altered identity cards or were seized in the homes or on the streets and put into detention, with the result of this first "June Action" on 1/3/4 and June 8, 1942 that 4000-5000 people were deported to the extermination camp at Belzec, and 130 Jews shot on the spot in the ghetto. Spared were those who could produce a Working Permit the " Blauscheine".
The closure of the ghetto in Krakow and the establishment of the Plaszow forced labour camp began with Himmler's order of July 19, 1942, so that by the end of December 1942 no Jews were allowed to spend outside of the five transit camps Warsaw, Cracow, Radom, Lublin and Tschentochau  in the General Governmet. All companies who employed Jews should stop these working arrangements and relocate their factories into the camps. On October 9, 1942, Himmler ordered, "to close step by step" , except to a few "Jewish workers in the armament factories and to limit Jewish KZ-Larger firms as far as possible only in the eastern part of the General Government".
In October 1942 followed the next Resettlement Action: SS deported 6,000 Jews from the Krakow ghetto and shot several hundred people on the spot. During the selections there were well qualified workers who fell victims to these killings and to the companies that employed them, this meant a huge loss. The owners of the factories while trying to save their workers, were rarely successful.
In accordance with Himmler's decree to the SSPF Distrkt Krakow, Julian Schemer, on 14 December 1942, that Jews who had lived in March 1941 in the Krakow Ghetto will have to be relocated into the Plaszow labor camp. This affected the Jewish workers who worked for the Army Defence Inspection, in  places for the operations of the military district commander and in private companies, or active in important war efforts. The ghetto was thus converted ​​in two areas the A and B ghettos. The able working Jews lived with barbed wire surrounded  ghetto A until they were detained from 13 March 1943 in the newly established forced labour camp Plszow of the SSFP. The Reichsführer SS had set a dead line as of 31 December 1942, which with this measure at least maintained in part his orders, unlike, for example, in Warsaw, where the SS did not initiate any steps that Jews from the ghettos be   accommodated in closed camps which made Himmler furious,  and caused him to issue commands to commence the closure of all the ghettos.

A German officer checks the papers of Jews moving into the Krakow ghetto
As of December 1942 leaving the ghetto for all non-workers was prohibited. Passes were difficult to obtain. The remaining Jews from the towns and villages around Krakow ghetto were taken into compound “B”. [This may be difficult to understand for outsiders, but the aim of the NS Leadership was to make the General Government "judenfrei"(free of Jews).sic] The Jews from Part “A” went to work in important defence plants, they were the “Blue Badges Jews” and wore the letters R -W or Z sewn onto their outer garments (R=Important military, W=defence workers or Z= civilian workers) on the left chest. From December onwards Jewish workers were no longer paid or rewarded, funds went straight to the SS: Five Zlotys per day for a male and four Zlotys for a female prisoner, less 1 zloty 20 Groschen for daily meals.

CONSTRUCTION OF THE PENALTY CAMP PLASZOW
At the same time,  by the end of 1942 began the first construction work planned for the forced labour camp in the district of Krakow at the Plaszow Jerozolimska Sraße. It was to house 15 000 prisoners, all of them Jews in the Krakow District that were still alive. Preparatory work began on the grounds of the New Jewish Cemetery in Jerozolimska street. The terrain on which the camp should be built belonged in part to the Polish state and the city of Krakow, and some private owners. In addition, two Jewish cemeteries were on the premises. [The "old cemetery" belonged officially to the Podgrz community and after combining the two in 1936 the property was owned by  the Krakow's Jewish community. The land adjacent to the "new cemetery" had also been acquired in the meantime by the Krakow Jewish community and used since 1932.sic]  The  land that had belonged before the war to the Polish government, and went to the General Government, any property rights were disregarded and not regulated. Owners and occupants of the houses on the land earmarked for the camp were quickly forced out and had not  received a written verification of the administrative action. Even the Council of the Jewish community (Der Judenrat) was not notified of the start of the construction.
In late summer of 1942 the company that had been commissioned for the project under the direction of Ing. Lukas, was the "Deutsche Bau- und Siedlungsgesellschaft" (German Construction and Housing Association).  Polish companies from Krakow were subcontractors. When informed of this project, the Jewish Community Leader Ing. Jakub Stendig was able to convince the German Engineer Lukas to  work only on the Friedhofsreserve  'cemetery reserve' (unused area) and not to destroy or disturb the Jewish graves.[This is quite possible as up to that time only  levelling earthwork took place. Also mentioned by A. Biberstein in: Zaglada zydow w Krakowie, in Krakow 2002,page 119. (Ing. is the German abbreviation for Engineer).sic]

Ing. Lukas was not a convinced National Socialist, and his working methods were not effective enough for those in power to complete the construction of a Forced Labour Camp. Additional problems occurred, bottlenecks appeared in the supply of materials, particularly timber was absent for the building of barracks. Although the camp was still under construction, in the autumn of 1942, SS Sergeant Horst Pilarzik had been appointed as first camp commander.  Because of the slow progress of construction, he asked the Jewish community to provide some Engineers for this task. In this specialised field, the Engineers Zygmunt Grünberg, Jacob Berger, Stendig, Haber, and little later Wohlfeiler were chosen. The SS left the responsibility for the construction and overcome technical problems to the Jewish engineers.
Although the German authorities were spreading rumours to the contrary,  for the Krakow Jews it became quickly clear that the majority of the new camp was intended for them. After the "resettlement action" on October 28, 1942 every day, workers were taken out of the ghetto to the Plaszow "Barrack commando". These prisoners were not provided with food during working hours, they had to bring their own meals with them out of the ghetto. Already in November 1942, the first members of the "barracks-commando" 'were detained (locked up) in Plaszow, they were the initial prisoners in the new labour camp, and had to live in the unfinished barracks without electricity or sanitation. The "barracks-commando" was one of only about 200 men at first, but grew very quickly. In December 1942 it comprised about 500 prisoners, covering all trades normally needed in building projects. The workers were divided into groups of 25-50 men, each group was monitored by a representative of the security service, the Jewish (OD) Police Unit, established by the German authorities.

plaszowmainentrance
At the end of 1942, only three barracks had been completed, one part of the barracks for the administration building and the two which would be used in the industrial camp.. At this time, SS-Sergeant Pilarzik as camp commander was replaced by the camp leader of the three Jewish labour camps in Krakow (Julag I, II, and III), SS Master Sergeant Franz Josef Müller. Perhaps it was the reason of the slow progress, or simply due to the low rank of the former commander [he stayed on,sic] in the face of increasing responsibility and obligations. Müller led a blistering pace at work. When it came to the Jewish graves, he took no heed or consideration. Before more barracks were built, the bodies had been exhumed and disposed. The survivor Aleksander Biberstein recalls.. "Working in the Kommanado was extremely difficult, the levelling  of the terrain meant that machines had masses of earth to move, the workers sank further into the muddy ground, the grave stones had been destroyed,[actually they were broken up into small pieces suitable for paving of walkways.sic] and with their bare hands carried to the sites. where foot paths were paved with them, mainly in front of the administrative buildings, the homes of the SS officers and guards. Most of the work was carried out at a run(im Laufschritt) under harassment, accompanied with blows and screams, often you could hear shots". [Biberstein Zaglaga, page 121, sic]
Despite the draconian methods the progress of the construction of the camp did not proceed smoothly because Müller and Pilarzik (who did remain in the camp service) did not on concentrate with the erection of barracks for  inmates, but focused on the completion of administrative and workshop buildings and in particular on the the renovation of the villas in which would house in the main the SS-Leadership in future.
Three Jewish Physicians Dr. Edward Goldblatt, Dr. Leon Gross and Dr. Henryk Rubinstein reported on orders of the German administration for work in the camp and had to take over without any medical equipment and medicines in the dark and unheated barracks, the care of  patients. Only shortly before the final closure of the ghetto in March 1943, the infirmary was equipped with instruments, medicines and bandages. The Jewish Support Unit (JUS) had deposited these goods in the ghetto.
From December 1942,  step by step, workers previously employed outside the camp in factories,  were transferred to Plaszow. "During that time, when single work details were moved into the camp,  the contact with the ghetto was very much alive," recalled a survivor. Many of the barracks commandos "fled because of the severe conditions in the remaining ghetto. The OD-men Jakub Tobiasz Katz and Leopold (Poldek) Goldberg were authorised to issue passes to prisoners into the ghetto, which made "maintaining contact with the ghetto easier". When during a roll call on February 6th 1943 it was found that 15 prisoners were missing , Goldberg and Katz were held responsible and executed. [ See: AZH, Zespol 301, rel. 4738 and 188, Statement 05/06/1967 Lola K., in: BArch Ludwigsburg, AR-Z 1276/63, page 806.sic]

Göth on horseback
In February 1943, camp commandant  Müller was replaced by Untersturmfürer (2nd Lieutenant) Amon Leopold Göth, who until then was active on the staff of the SS and Police Leader in the Lublin District. Apparently at the same time as Göth's appointment as camp commandant was confirmed, the Judenrat (Council of Jews) was informed that the entire ghetto of Krakow will be disbanded and its residents be relocated to Plaszow. Since Göth's arrival in the camp even the slightest offence was punished. Already in the first days of March, three weeks after taking office, two young women were hanged in the camp because they had illegally visited in the ghetto their family. After work, Göth drove the prisoners to completely pointless tasks in order to harass and humiliate them. At the beginning of 1943 the prisoners looked "dirty, full of lice, had no washing facilities, were malnourished,  did wear torn and worn-out Lumpen (rags), walked in broken wooden clogs, often barefoot and made a completely resigned impression. But in some people there were still signs of the will to survive". [Translation of Alexander B. of his statements after 1945, in: BArch Ludwigsburg, B 162/1124, page 2360.sic].
The problems in the camp still under construction grew in proportion to the number of inmates, by mid-February 1943 there were about 2,000 people trying to cope.

                                                                                                                continued under part 2


















Friday, July 13, 2012

CHELMNO EXTERMINATION CAMP PART 2

THE SECOND PERIOD OF THE CAMP FROM SPRING 1944 TO JANUARY 1945
After the transports into the death camp had subsided and after the murder waves through the cross sections of the counties, as well as against the non-Jews who had worked at the large ghetto of Litzmannstadt was almost completed, the official duty of the Sonderkommando was to focus  on the burning of bodies and  grinding the remains to ashes. In March 1943 it was clear that the camp would be closed. Arthur Greiser thanked the members of the Sonderkommando with a gift of money and set up on March 5, 1943 for 92[the Sonderkommando consisted of 85 the others were guests.sic] men a farewell party at the restaurant "Riga" in Warthbrücken,  in which he himself took part. The cost for this entertainment was paid for, from the funds out of the Sonderkonto.
Theodor Malzmüller one of the members of the Chelmno Sonderkommando, recalled a visit to the death camp by Arthur Greiser:
"Shortly before the dismantling of the Chelmno death camp in March 1943 Gauleiter Greiser suddenly appeared at the camp, together with his staff – consisting of fifteen high-ranking SS officers. All members of the SS-Sonderkommando and the Wachkommando had to assemble in the courtyard of the castle where they were addressed by Greiser. In the presence of his staff he explained that Chelmno extermination camp would shortly be dismantled and he wanted to thank us on behalf of the Führer for the work we had done in Chelmno. He then went on to say that everybody would be given four weeks’ special leave and that we were welcome to spend it free of charge on one of his estates. He then invited all those present to a farewell party at the Riga Hotel in Warthbrücken. The farewell party was held in a big room at the Riga hotel. After a short while everyone was drunk and fell asleep at the table. The party ended at about one or two in the morning.
The Wartebrücken Gaststätte "Riga"
[The bill of the restaurant over drinks and dinner for 92 people on 5 March 1943 was honoured by check on 18 June 1943, .sic] In a letter to Heinrich Himmler the governor(Gauleiter Greiser) praises the remaining 85 policemen who had donated during the evening camaraderie over 15 000 RM to the benefit of children of murdered ethnic Germans(Volksdeutsche), he wrote to RFSS Heinrich Himmler on 19 March 1943 about Chelmno, the letter reads as follows:
Reichsfuhrer!
A few days ago I visited Lange’s former Sonderkommando, which today is under the command of SS-Hauptsturmfuhrer Kriminalkommissar Bothmann and stationed in Kulmhof, Kreis Warthbrücken, until the end of the month. During my visit I was so struck by the conduct of the men of the Sonderkommando that I would not like to fail to bring it to your attention. The men have not only fulfilled the difficult task that has been set for them loyally, bravely and in all respects appropriately, but also their soldierly conduct is exemplary. For example during a social evening to which I had invited them they gave me a contribution of 15,150 RM in cash which they had that day collected spontaneously. That means that each of these eighty-five men in the Sonderkommando had contributed about 180 RM.
I have given instructions for the money to be put in the fund set up for the children of murdered ethnic Germans, unless you, Reichsfuhrer, wish it to be put to another or better use.
The men further expressed the wish that all of them, if possible, be put under the command of their Haupsturmfuhrer Bothmann when they are transferred to their new assignment. I promised the men that I would communicate this wish to you, Reichsfuhrer. I should be grateful if you would give me permission to invite some of these men to be my guests on my country estate during their leave and to give them a generous allowance to make their leave more enjoyable.
Heil Hitler
(signed) Greiser

Himmler fulfilled this wish and let the men join the SS Volunteer Division "Prinz Eugen", and had them sent to Serbia where they were used in fighting Partisans. Although the men of the Sonderkommando were due for home leave, they blew up first the main domain and removed all traces of possible evidence in the use of murder. The ruined castle grounds and the woods were then handed over to the Police Station Eichstädt(Dabie) as part of their responsibility.
The manner in which the higher command acted that swiftly in the demolition of the camp left one to conclude that Kulmhof as an extermination facility would never again be used. But the Reichsgau Wartheland was not judenfrei ("free of Jews"), as it was called in the jargon of the authorities. In many labour camps, as yet thousands of Jews were employed there on different projects, and in the Litzmannstadt ghetto exhausted people a total of 85 884 worked for the German war economy. Bearing in mind that Hitler had probably given the Gauleiter on the 9th November 1942 again free hand to "solve the Jewish question", and taking into account that Greiser had ordered the city government of Litzmannschaft in December,  that all administrative decisions regarding the major ghetto were made only from the perspective of its early closure, the order of the special command to destroy Kulmhof appears therefore somewhat puzzling. It is obvious, that Greiser and Himmler had agreed that those Jews at Chelmno(Kulmhof) are no longer needed, but should be used, exploited and killed at a different location. Whether this was due to the publicity the camp had received abroad as far back as 1942, there is no clear evidence. 

Earth Crematorium
While the gradual closure of labour camps (Zwangsarbeitslager) for Jews and their deportation within the Gaugebiet since August 1943 mostly went to Auschwitz-Birkenau and could be carried out without major problems, this was not the case with the Litzmannstadt Ghetto
Even before the closure of the ghetto boundaries, on 1 April 1940,  Greiser and Regierungspräsident(Govt.President)Uebelhoer had refused during a meeting with the Ministry of the Interior to accept financial responsibility for the food and sustenance of some 160 000 Jews imprisoned there. At that time it was decided that the ghetto should be administrated against the background of its closure in the near future through deportations by the General Government in line with a Reich-Order  issued to the City Council of Litzmannstadt (Lodz). This provision barring Greiser later on in having a direct influence over the ghetto. His attempts to do so were thwarted by  the leadership of the Regional Council and the Mayor's intervention. Meanwhile, the ghetto was to become a centre of arms production, especially in textiles, so with a closure, this would have created a plethora of problems. Especially troublesome to the outside authorities was the Ghetto Administration's method of acquisition in obtaining contracts. Hans Bieblow as head of the City Council began considering the impending closure and loss of his authority with hectic applications for contracts at the Reichszeugmeisterei (Army Quartermaster) and various other departments of the Wehrmacht. Only when the leadership of the regional council were replaced and the mayor after angry protests from the Reich Interior Ministry was dismissed, and Himmler himself had been appointed Minister of the Interior, could the Reichsstatthalter (Reich Governor) decisively intervene in the history of the ghetto. It was only a question of whether Greiser and Himmler would pursue the same strategy.


Just at that this point they did not agree. Himmler initially favoured the relocation of labour ghettos into the district of Lublin, and Police Leader Globocnik who was stationed there suggested that the labour camp for Jews be opened in Ponitowa, not without complaining about Biebow's recent successes in obtaining military contracts for the Ghetto factories in Litzmannstadt. In the fall of 1943 Himmler examined the question of whether it would be worthwhile to convert the Litzmannstadt ghetto into a concentration camp. This strategy would face both Greiser and the city administration still with the problem that the General Government would not be judenfrei ("free of Jews") and the municipality still faced all transport and infrastructure problems with an existence of a KZ.  At years end the ghetto had been subjected by an economic and financial structural assessment by experts of the SS Economic and Administrative Main Office, and seemed to have finally found a way out. When Himmler was staying on the 12 and 13 February 1944 in Posen, he had to take note that neither Greiser nor his own experts were exited to convert the Ghetto into a concentration camp. What he read in the memorandum in parts was: "The ghetto enterprises are inefficient, the average output per work day and work force is minimal and the accruing profits only translucent gains(Scheingewinne). [...] the acquisition and continuation of the ghetto factories by means of the SS Economic Main Office (Osti) could be justified only in view of the tense situation in our war economy.  With personal commitments on all levels,  management and officers, the acquisition of the ghetto factories is still a considerable financial risk. "
Inside the Gas Van
Greiser and Himmler agreed quickly now. The surviving Jews were to be gradually returned to the death camp at Chelmno after their work assignments expired. In early April men of a new established Sonderkommando came back into the village. The domain house had been blasted, was a ruin and no longer of any use, the fence around the castle building had not been rebuilt. Shortly after, the first officers of the Polizeibattalion  met from Litzmannstadft as guards, and three members of the "exhumation command" from the Gestapo headquarters in Hohensalza who had emptied in the meantime within the administrative districts the execution pits had also been seconded to Chelmno. As the previously routine running of the estate functions were no longer feasible, it was decided with the help of Polish prisoners to build two wooden barracks in the adjoining woods, one of which replicated the function of the basement floor at the farmhouse. In one of the barracks, the men undressed and were then hurried up the aisle on a ramp. Then the gas vans drove them a short distance on a rough road between cut and uprooted trees to the pits, where there were still two masonry earth ovens. The charred bones were not crushed any more, but broken up with flails on a concrete foundation. The remains and ashes were dumped at night into the river Ner.

These are the last Jews who worked for the Gestapo in Chelmno, which is situated between Dabie and Kolo. These are the last days of our lives so we give a signal maybe there still will be relatives or acquaintances of these persons. So you shall know all Jews who were sent away from Litzmannstadt (Lodz) were killed in a very cruel manner. They were tortured and burnt goodbye if you survive you must take revenge.
The usable clothes were returned to the village. On the farm-yard a large tent had been erected, in which a Jewish work commando examined the clothing for valuables. Then they were [the clothing sic], as before sent to the Litzmannstadt Ghetto Administration, after they had been disinfected at the farm in a van. Non-reusable textiles were pulled through a mechanical shredder and packed in bags, which were later also utilised by the Ghetto Administration. The Jewish work detail was locked up after a days work into the still intact storehouse on the court yard premises.  As the water mill in Schöntal (Zawadki) was also demolished, the last assembly point for the victims was the Catholic Church at Kulmhof.  Some of the Jews were directly sent from the Litzmannstadt (Lodz) ghetto to the forest. A total of ten transports between  23 June to 14 July 1944 with 7176 Jews from Lodz had been sent there for extermination. Some victims at the forest camp, were induced to write postcards to their relatives in the ghetto, telling them where they were, they had already arrived in a city in the Reich area, and  doing well. Then they were shot at the ovens. After the 14th of July, the deportations to Chelmno ceased all together.

On 22 July, the Lodz Gestapo office announced in a meeting with the representatives of Göring's intelligence agency (Forschungsstelle), that a decision had been taken during a discussion a few days prior to immediately disband the Ghetto, because the Jews  "in their larger number in case of unrest would pose too great a risk to the German population in Litzmannstadt ". It was clear that the slow extermination of the last major ghetto like lodz, by Gas Vans in Chelmno was no longer feasible. Obviously, this order had been issued directly by Himmler. [An employee of the ghetto administration said in a telephone conversation on July 29, there was a new situation, because a direct order from the Reich leadership of the SS has now changed everything. sic] In military terms this scenario was not out of thin air, because since the 14th July, the Red Army not only conducted successful battles in Lithuania and Latvia, the attack against the German Army Group North Ukraine was victorious, so that the Vistula River was crossed in several places. On top of that the Security Police in the General Government was made aware immediately when it happened of the popular uprising in Warsaw. In Lodz, the German people found themselves in trouble(Unruhe). On the day of the beginning of the uprising in Warsaw on 1 August in 1944, the Jewish elders were instructed to start again with the transport lists of Jews to be "re-settled". Between 3 and 29 August 1944 about 67 000 people were deported to Auschwitz.
While the last deportation to Auschwitz were done in a great hurry and to a lesser extent into a makeshift camp at Königs-Wusterhausen near Berlin, there was no bustling activity at Kulmhof for the apparent closure of the camp. The demolition of the extermination camp was conducted without any haste. In the six months until the final evacuation of Kulmhof, massgraves were were still opened and the remains burned, the Jewish labour detachment were subsequently killed, so that to the very last about 40 Jews were still alive, who had to search through the belongings of the dead. One of the two furnaces was removed in the course of September, the second field crematorium and the barracks were demolished at the end of 1944. The gas vans were brought to Warthbrücken and then loaded onto the railway. Finally, the tent and shredder were sent to some other location to be used.

Memorial stones to the last victims killed at the Chelmno death camp stand now on an empty field 
 Not until the night of 17 to 18 January 1945, when the Red Army was already on the outskirts Litzmannstadts, it became hectic.  Commander Bothmann ordered his staff to be awaken, as the military situation became precarious with fighting about 60 kilometers from Litzmannstadt. It was decided to liquidate the camp and go to Posen. Before that, however, those Jews living in the brick storage building should be shot. As one member of the Sonderkommando knocked at the door of the brick barn, the Jews were asked to come out in groups of five people at  a time. This worked only for those who were imprisoned on the ground floor. The 20 to 25 Jews on the first floor, refused to leave the building, and as police chief Lenz came up, he was overpowered and dragged their cell. Another policeman was shot dead immediately after he came up with the service weapon of Lenz. Almost at the same time the first floor and the attic began to burn, probably because Bothmann gave orders to use tracer bullets to shoot through the windows, but none of the Jews left the building. The bodies of the two policeman were taken into the hallway of the burning house and left there. After that Bothmann and his staff drove to Posen. [The fate of the remaining Jews is not recorded,  the Soviet Red Army entered the city on 18 January 1945. According to Marshal Katukov, whose forces participated in the operation, the Germans retreated so suddenly that they had no time to evacuate or destroy the Łódź (Litzmannstadt) factories, as they did in other cities. In time, Łódź became part of the People's Republic of Poland.sic]
Mordechai Zurawski testified:
“On the night of 17 January 1945 , the doors to the room in the Granary where about 20 Jews slept were opened; the rest slept upstairs above this room. Two SS –men entered, Lenz and Haase, shining their electric flashlights, and they ordered us to leave in fives. After the first five went out, we heard five shots, we were sure they were killed and so when another five were called, nobody wanted to go. So the SS-men forced them out, and again we heard five shots. I was supposed to go with the third group of five, that’s when I grabbed a knife that I had hidden and I knocked the flashlight out of Lenz’s hand. I started running away waving the knife to the right to the left. The closest SS-man hit me on my left leg with the butt of a gun, but I kept on running. They started shooting at me from all sides, I was shot in the right leg, but finally managed to get away. After I ran for about three kilometers, I noticed the building we lived in was on fire. Apparently the SS-men set it on fire. I also heard single shots – they shot at those jumping out of the flames, which I learnt about later”.
Walter Piller testified:
“So the prison remained in the palace courtyard in Chelmno with 40-45 Jewish workers. First the lower cell was opened to shoot those 20-25 Jews in front of the prison building. Every few minutes Lenz led five Jews outside at a time – then Bothmann, Lenz and I killed them with a shot to the back of the head. -While the third group was coming out of the prison, one of the Jews escaped – he was a cook and all I know is that his first name is Maks (Mordechai Maks Zurawski).Despite the chase taken up by Bothmann, an SS-member and four officers of the reserve forces, Maks managed to escape. In the guardhouse I informed all the gendarmerie posts, via telephone about the search, but he was not caught.  Before Bothmann and the five other men started the chase, he ordered me to take care of the rest of the labour unit with a shot to the back of the head. Lenz brought out the remaining five from the lower cell. They were killed by Lenz and myself. But there were still the 20 craftsmen left in the upper cell. Without my order, Lenz took a certain Wachtmeister Schupo to the upper cell so that five Jews could be removed and shot in the same way as with the lower cell.As soon as Lenz opened the cell door, four Jews threw themselves at him and pulled him into the cell. Then they took his pistol away and opened fire at two Wachtmeisters standing by the door. The door on the ground floor was locked only after Bothmann had returned from the unsuccessful search for the escapee and had given the order to do so.
After Bothmann, Hafele and I called out several times for them to release Lenz and leave the cell in groups of five, the answer was the firing of the pistol taken away from Lenz. Then one of the Jews called out that Lenz had hung himself. We could not check it out because the prisoners set fire to the prison and the flames were coming out of the roof. The fire spread twice as fast, because above the upper cell, wood was being dried to run the cars.
Bothmann decided to let the prison burn down completely, despite the fact that Lenz was still inside. Judging by the fire, Lenz was no longer alive. The killed Jews lying in front of the prison were also carried into the burning building and abandoned to the flames”. 

THE VILLAGE INHABITANTS OF CHELMNO AND THE OCCUPIERS
When in a small village of fewer than 300 inhabitants suddenly 120-130 uniformed men appeared to kill "on duty" during a period of 28 months over 150 000 people, this had a major impact on its residents. It began with the billeting of the officers in the various houses and it continued with the search for Polish kitchen staff and maids, and all at once they learned of the murderous service life of these men. The security police officers spoke openly of mass murder, which they guarded, and their slogan: "One day-one thousand victims" was well known. The eight working Poles from the Poznań (Posen) prison, who according to the official sequence, were on the third level in the hierarchy after Gestapo officers  involved in the disposal of the dead, were well known among the employed women in the kitchens by name. With them they were talking in their own language and learned numerous details, such as the accident on the ramp, where one of their own had fallen into the gas vehicle with  the Jews and suffocated. [ The Escapee Szlamek gives a different version of events: 
["Between the victims of this day, Jews from Izbica, was also a German civilian, one of the cooks at the Schloss. He had tried to catch a Jew who had managed to steal something from the kitchen. Following the thief, he had entered the van. At the very moment the doors had clanged shut. His shouting and knocking had been ignored. Some of us thought he had been deliberately poisoned so that no witness of this killing should remain alive".sic]
  The Polish women received occasional gifts from them, such as fabrics and hosiery. [The responsible investigative judge of the District Court of Lodz, Waldyslav Bednarz questioned on site in June 1945 Polish and German inhabitants that still lived there. These results were not only used in the cases against those in Poland accused before the court related parties, such as Arthur Greiser, Hermann Gielow, Walter Piller, and others, they were also evidence in the process and preparations against Wilhelm Koppe, as well as against eleven other defendants in the Federal Republic of Germany. The coroner released a year later, his findings: "The Extermination Camp at Chelmno on the Ner". In: Warszawa  1946 ZStL. 203 AR-Z 69/59, BArch Ludwigsburg.sic] 

Chelmno 1941
The Polish men, such as the mill owners Zawadki, or the former estate steward of Powiercie, the former Rangers and small farmers were constantly dealing with the perpetrators . Their living environment was now to encounter screaming policemen with a columns of Jews who were on their way to the mill. The gas vans that drove  through the village they called  "hell vehicles" (Höllenautos) which went in the same direction for months. The transport trucks arriving with the Jews were visible from the entrance of the farm-yard, they tried to avoid contact, but had to repeatedly perform services for the offenders. They had to fill sacks of straw, collect twigs and coarse wood, to grow and sell vegetables, which was picked up by the Jews, who could not do any major steps with their leg irons. Almost all villagers remembered that the commando members tried to stop any type of daily activity by 1400 hours. Some of them had then the day off. Their leisure time of these well-salaried men were often spent with ethnic German women who lived in the area. They drove together to the cinema at Warthbrücken or walked on the banks of the river Ner. Occasionally they went to the Lodz Ghetto Administration for essential shopping. The commandant, SS Captain Hans Bothmann, who replaced the founder of the camp, Herbert Lange, in April 1942, was  not a very strict superior. Unlike Lange, who would always control everyone and everything,  Bothmann in his leadership role would delegate and gladly relied on the reliability of his men. He and the canteen manager Erwin Schmidt were repeatedly received after hours as welcome guests by the German administrator of the estate Powiercie, Otto Heckner, his wife and his sister, and small objects of value were left behind for the hospitality received, the manager received bed sheets and blankets for distribution to ethnic German living in the district.  When the former Polish estate steward asked Bothmann, why there was such an awful smell from the direction of the wood,  out of precaution he lied and told him  that he suspected a soap factory was being built there. The German forester Heinrich May not only learned of the crime scene but was familiar with the men of the commando and their boasting. He was called in the spring of 1942 to the Reich Government in Poznan(Posen), where he was engaged in talks with Herbert Mehlhorn to maintain a fastidious cover of the woodlands. In view of the corpses, Mehlhorn said that it was necessary if need be to point out that were "murdered Ethnic German People(Volksdeutsche) by the Poles", when the mass murder could no longer be concealed.

SS and Polish Workers in the Palace Courtyard
The activities at Chelmno was not only known throughout the county, with the publication by the underground Polish Resistance Press foreign countries had been asked to take actions. On January 19, 1942 the prisoner Szlamek Bejler working with the Waldkommando took advantage of an absent-minded guard and successfully escaped apparently from a bus that took them to the pits, while on the run he first went to a village. He was taken to be an Ethnic German because he didn’t wear a star. He looked rough, having had no opportunity in Chelmno to wash and shave. He went to a rabbi, [Jakub Szulman,sic] and informed the rabbi in the settlement of Grabow of the mass murder. He then fled further to the Warsaw Ghetto, where he gave an associate of the underground archives, Hersz Wasser, a detailed report on his work. The Jewish and Polish underground press reported repeatedly since then the events in western Poland, plus the reports of a Jewish Gestapo informant about the mood in the ghetto that the Jews were deported from Lodz(Litzmannstadt) and killed  by poison gas. The Wehrmacht officer Wilm Hosenfeld confided these events also in his diary and in letters.
Maybe "Szlamek" whose true identity is not clearly established and did not survive the Holocaust, but was the man who did his share in spreading the news about mass murder in the small village of Chelmno.  Hersz Wasser wrote a little later in the press of the Polish underground about the murder in gas vans. The material was used on 30 April 1942 in the conspiracy newspaper Biultyn Informcyjny.
This was the basis for the article in the New York Times on July 2, 1942
Sources: a) Reports of a "Jewish Informer" in the Warsaw ghetto at Yad Vashem Studies, pages 217-293
                b) Wilm Hosenfeld, "I'm trying to save everybody." The life of a German officer in letters and diaries. Published by Thomas Vogel, Munich 2004, Page 626
                c) The article (Jews) published by Andrzej Kunert, Warzawa 2006, pages 200-204

Postcard informing of the death of Szlamek, send by his relatives in Zamosc, April 24, 1942   

Postcard informing of the death of Szlamek, sent by his relatives in Zamosc, April 24, 1942 reverse side 
 EPILOGUE
The Polish Supreme People's Court opened on 21 June 1946 the proceedings against Arthur Greiser in Poznan(Posen). The trial lasted 14 days, Greiser was condemned because of his direct responsibility for the extermination camp at Chelmno and sentenced to death on July 9th.  He was hanged in public on July 21st 1946.
 On a sunny Sunday morning in July 1946, the public hanging of Arthur Greiser took place. From dawn onwards, 15 000 Poles streamed towards the grounds of the citadel, a fortress reduced to rubble in recent German-Russian fighting for the city. Shortly before 7 a.m. a small covered truck threaded rather quickly its way through the throng. A tall man dressed in a suit emerged. Escorted by two guards, he mounted the gallows that had been specially erected for the execution. On the scaffold, hands tied behind his back and blindfolded, he mumbled prayers, but otherwise showed no emotion. In his last moments, he offered no defiant slogans, no pleas for forgiveness, and no words of justification. Right on schedule, the executioner, clad in black save for white gloves, set about his grim task. Quickly and efficiently, he slung the noose around the condemned man's neck. He then sprang the wooden trap beneath the man's feet. The man dangled in the air, his head dropped onto his chest, and he was soon dead. All the while the crowd watched in intent silence. At 7.20, the corpse was taken down and placed in a coffin. The hangman took off his white gloves and tossed them away in a grand gesture of disgust. 
View video:  http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4LW6ESfEkkk   [This was the last public hanging that took place in Poland, as Church  and Public Leaders strongly objected to the circus like atmosphere that usually prevailed during this type of hanging, which was  the so called short drop, by means of slow strangulation rather then the breaking of the neck, which occurs during the long drop. Hanging with little or no drop may cause death by strangulation (asphyxia) due to the weight of the person's body on the noose, causing it to tighten, so constricting the trachea (air passage). In this case the condemned typically exhibit signs of physical struggling for some time after suspension, 1-3 minutes being normal. An intended show for the assembled crowd. There is then often a quiescent phase before what can be described as the convulsive phase which is thought occurs after consciousness has been lost.  This does not necessarily indicate consciousness in the second phase. The video is censored, the last camera shot is focused on a still photograph and not during the execution. It is obvious at the beginning of the tape, from Greiser's bandaged head that he had been tortured during interrogation or beaten sic]    

                                                                                                                                    THE END
Sources:
Der Ort des Terrors, Vol.:8 by C.H. Beck, München 2008
Author German Text: Peter Klein, page 299
Translated from German by:Herbert Stolpmann von Waldeck                                                          


Saturday, July 7, 2012

CHELMNO EXTERMINATION CAMP PART 2



THE VICTIMS DURING THE FIRST PERIOD OF THE CAMP UP TO APRIL 1943
After the murder of the Jews of the counties Warthbrücken and Turek,  almost at the same time during the year arrived those Gypsies who had come in November of the previous  year as part of the resettlement  (Verschleppung) of 20 000 Jews and 5,000 Gypsies into the Lodz(Litzmannstadt) ghetto. Since the beginning of December there was a raging typhus epidemic in the large hermetically sealed ghetto of the gypsy camp, so the rapid killing of infected individuals served as an alternative, a proven solution for their deaths. They were taken by truck directly to Chelmno. 4300-4400 people fell victim to this mass murder.
Between 16 January and 2 April 1942 over 44 000 Polish Jews were deported from the ghetto who had been forcibly picked by the Jewish self-government (Judenrat) at random. Then another 11 000 left in the period between May 4th to 15th who were predominantly German, Austrian, Czech and Luxembourgian Jews of the ghetto in the direction of Chelmno. This was more than half of the 20 000 people deported in fall of 1941. They were moved by a rail-way-spur system within the ghetto towards Warthbrücken, from there they went by a narrow gauge railway (Kleinbahn) to the terminus at Arnsdorf (Powiercie). The Jews then walked about half a mile away to an abandoned water mill of the hamlet Schöntal (Zawaki), where they spent in most cases  one night. The next morning they were picked up by trucks of the Sonderkommando, and counted in a way that the "human cargo"  fitted exactly into a gas-van.


Announcement from Chaim Rumkowski, the "Jewish Elder", on the imminent deportation of Jews to the West from the Litzmannstadt ghetto, 29 April 1942
CHAIM RUMKOWSKI
Rumkowski, the head of the Lodz (Litzmannstadt) Judenrat, was an insurance agent and was not part of the leading circles of the Jewish community.  He cooperated fully with the Germans and ran the ghetto in a dictatorial manner.  He has attracted more attention than any other Judenrat leader. In view of some historians, he was a traitor and collaborator. Others believe that his policies helped extend the life span of the Ghetto, which remained in existence when all other ghettos in Poland had been liquidated. Those who hold the latter opinion point out that the 5,000 to 7,000 survivors of the Lodz ghetto constituted, in relative terms, the largest among all the groups of Holocaust survivors in Poland.  Fate was not kind to Rumkowski. When the last of the Jews were to be deported from Lodz, he was the victim of a cruel hoax by his German friends. He was told by Hans Biebow, the head of the German administration in Lodz, that he would have to go to a labour camp, but that he would continue to be the head of the Jews, and Biebow gave him a letter to present to the labour camp authorities. Biebow sent him to Auschwitz in a private railroad car with great pomp and circumstance, while the other Jews were crowded into cattle cars. When he got to Auschwitz, he and his family went to the selection point with everyone else. He presented his letter to the Germans, and they made him stand at the side, and he was later driven away in a car straight to the crematorium, rather than going through the gas chambers.  [You can see him in the following video  LITZMANNSTADT,  the language is Polish.sic] http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=q5FxA4bS-Yk


HANS BIEBOW
After working as a coffee importer in his hometown of Bremen, Biebow became the overseer of the Lódz (Litzmannstadt) Ghetto. He realised that the Lodz Ghetto could make a profit for the Germans if it were converted into essentially a slave labour complex.
Under his administration, the 164,000 Jews of Poland's second largest city were crammed into a small area of the city. Communication between the Ghetto inhabitants and the outside world was completely cut off and the supply of food was severely limited, ensuring that many of the inhabitants of the Ghetto would slowly starve. Over the course of its existence, the population of the Ghetto swelled to 204,000 with more Jews from Central Europe being sent there. The Ghetto Administration remained in operation from April 1940 until the summer of 1944, but there were transports out of the Ghetto to extermination camps (primarily Auschwitz and Chelmno) beginning at the end of 1941.
Biebow was a ruthless administrator, concerned with the ghetto's productivity and his own personal gain. He was directly responsible for starving the ghetto's population beyond limits of endurance, and he assisted the Gestapo in rounding up Jews during deportations. In the days just before the liberation of Lodz by the Red Army, Biebow ordered large burial pits to be dug in the local cemetery, intending that the Gestapo execute the remaining 877 Jews who served as a clean-up crew in the ghetto. This might have been an attempt by Biebow to eliminate witnesses to his role in the workings of the Ghetto.
Biebow exercised his control in partly through a Jewish administration headed by Mordechai Chaim Rumkowski. Rumkowski believed that the Jews could survive if they produced cheap, essential goods for the Nazis. Biebow profited substantially from the sale of the products of Jewish labour as well as from the seized properties of Jews. He is also said to have provided less food to Ghetto inhabitants than was paid for, pocketing the difference. The Ghetto factories produced products such as boots for German Army and were profitable for the Germans because the Jews, cut off from all resources, worked for wages that consisted only of bread, soup, and other essentials. The German profits from the Jewish factories have been estimated at $14,000,000 and the productivity of the Ghetto was a factor in its comparatively long survival. The inhabitants endured four years of starvation, illness and overcrowding before being sent to the extermination camps of Chelmno and Auschwitz. Of the 204,000 inhabitants, approximately 10,000 survived.
Among the Nazi hierarchy, Biebow was an early exponent of using the Jews as cheap labour rather than killing them, but he readily adapted to the extermination policy. Survivors report his encouraging the last surviving Jews of the Ghetto in the summer of 1944 to board the trains to Auschwitz with a speech that began "My Jews...” and promised them work in the West.
Biebow was able to escape into hiding in Germany in 1945 after the unconditional surrender, but was recognised by a survivor of the ghetto and subsequently arrested in Bremen. After he was extradited by the Allies to Lódz, he stood trial from April 23 to April 30, 1947. He was found guilty on all counts and executed by hanging.




Around the same time in the spring of 1942, the so-called most open areas in the Jewish Regional Council Hohensalza were cleared. This required that the on-site mobile command was sent from Kulmdorf as reinforcement for the officers of the local police station. But only with the arrival of the clean-up squad of the urban ghetto of Lodz the necessary administrative personnel was at full strength. They worked quickly and systematicly: The Jews were forced to congregate in a central square, mainly at the Catholic Church. Subsequently the Ghetto Administration together with the Sonderkommando selected all persons who were classified as fit for work and  then transported them to Lodz. All people assessed as disabled or unfit for work were taken by truck or rail transport via Warthbrücken and deported to Chelmno. Afterwards, the Lodz Ghetto Administration took care of the removal of all recyclable and usable materials and entered debtors or creditors of the dissolved ghettos over to themselves as its Legal Successor. The entire household goods of the Jews that was still usable and auctioned off under the supervision of the local commissioners and mayors office. Any amounts of profit received was transferred to the Ghetto Administration of Lodz. How many people from the rural ghettos of the Government Praesidium Hohensalza were murdered, is difficult to determine. On that date and time, many Jews worked outside the ghetto in labour camps in various private and municipal facilities, such as country estates, water works operated by authorities or companies that were involved in the construction of the autobahn. According to statistical data, however, the Department of Jewish Self-Government in the Lodz ghetto, shows in April 1942, only eight Jewish people came from the Warthegau into the ghetto.
Immediately after the conclusion of transports of non-Polish Jews from Lodz to Chelmno,  began the deportations from the ghettos of the same county  administrative district. Government Statistics from President Frederick Uebelhoer show at the cut-off date May 1st 1942, altogether 36 211 Jews lived outside the greater ghetto Lodz, these were districts of Lask, Lentschütz, Schieratz and Welungen and the city of Kalisch (Kalsz). Between May and August 1942 all the ghettos of these counties were forcibly closed, although statistical figures were maintained, only 105 487 Jews are mentioned on the 1st September living in the metropolitan Ghetto. Between May and August 1942, there arrived 14 441 selected Jews  in the Lodz ghetto. Whether 21 770 Jewish people were murdered in Chelmno, is in question as well as those  in the case of Hohensalza, because here again was an unknown number of Jewish workers already confined in labour camps and living in barracks outside civil jurisdiction and not included in the count.


SS men stand over murdered Jews in Chelmno
Even if it is difficult to reconstruct the partially estimated, in part, highly detailed information, of the total of victims that perished in the extermination camp of Chelmno,  a very plausible number of murders can be almost accurately be established: On 28 April 1943 namely from the statistician Richard Korher who delivered to Himmler a 16-page report titled "the Final Solution of the Jewish question in Europe" . This indicated there was in total 1,274,166 Jews murdered in camps of "Aktion Reinhardt" within the General Government, which has been verified in the meantime, as well as the number of Jews residing in the Lodz Ghetto as at January 15, 1943, which also coincides exactly with other statical data , it shows clearly that this report can be considered as a valid source as to the murders in Chelmno. In this report, 145 301 Jews were counted that had been "sifted through the camps Warthehau". However, since Russian POWs, Polish nuns and probably the children of the Bohemian village of Lidice had also been murdered there, plus non-Jewish murder victim of an unknown number should be taken into account.
COMMAND AND RESPONSIBILITIES - ACCUMULATION OF WEALTH THROUGH MURDER -
Gauleiter Arthur Greiser made an approach to Himmler after the announcement of an imminent arrival of 20 000 Jews and 5000 Sinti and Roma from Burgenland[Austria,sic] that two of his senior officials in the Reich Government should be appointed and made responsible to organise all that was necessary prior to the onset of mass murder.  Although Wilhelm Koppe of the HSSPF still had personal jurisdiction over the Police of Kulmhof for safety and order, but the overall financial and organisational aspects of the regional "Final Solution" was held under the direction and conducted by SS-Oberführer Herbert Mehlhorn in Division I within the Reich Government. This is particularly evident on the basis of a memo, written by the local head of Göring's eavesdropping organisation, on 9 December 1941. He[Göring,sic] learned from a conversation that took place a few days earlier, between the Government President Uebelhoer and the Litzmannstadt Gestapo Leader Schefe, that the sick of the ghetto would be removed on the orders of the Gauleiter only, which is and was a civil administration.  As Schefe inquired whether Berlin knew about it, 'they answered evasively'. This discussion on December 5, 1941, shows that the Gestapo can not be considered to act as the dominant player in the planning of mass murder. Thus, these remarkable findings deepened with the restructuring of financial responsibility. An essential prerequisite for the permanent use of the death camp was the practice of mass murder by car/truck exhaust fumes and the development of a division of a labour force, the financing of property and recompense personnel costs.  This was no longer in the hands of HSSPF or the Security Police, but was solely controlled by Mehlhorn's Division I.
 The Head of Unit I/13 Budget and Accounting, was a quiet and efficient official of the Reich District of Sudetenland named Frederick Häusler, together with a colleague on February 5, 1942 they appeared at the office of the Litzmannstadt Ghetto Administration: "Both men appeared on behalf of Oberführer(Full Colonel) Mehlhorn to get an overview of the financial situation of the ghetto. They tried to lead negotiations on the establishment of a special central bank account, which should meet all levels of costs concerning the Evacuation Measures taking place in the Warthegau".


Arthur Greiser
Fort Winiary where Greiser was executed
Greiser publicly hanged
On 28 February 1942 a Special Account No.: 12300 was set up at the Litzmannstadt City Savings Bank. The first recorded entry is made at that date. There is no balance shown, yet the first transaction was a cash payment to SS Sergeant Behm of the Sonderkommando,  and two days later an amount of RM(Reichsmark) 139,351.50 was deposited in cash. Between the first and last account entry of 15 February 1944, before being treated as re-opening of the extermination camp, consisted of 486 Bank Statements on which 1791 transaction are recorded. All these entries, including interest rate and reinvestment credits resulted from the "Final Solution of the Jewish Problem" by means of extermination and forced labour outside the ghetto boundaries of Litzmannstadt.
Following examples are intended to illustrate the typical operating method of financial accountability: All security and regularity police officers of the Sonderkommando received in addition to their normal pay on a daily basis a wage  envelope to the amount of 12 to 20 Reichsmark. There were other expenses for meals for the men, so that at the Kulmhof Administration always larger sums of cash adjustments were made. This money was picked up repeatedly by individual members of the Sonderkommando from the Litzmannstadt Ghetto Administration. They obtained either mostly cash amounting to 50 000 RM or received a cashier's check, which was immediately drawn at the local town bank. In the course of 1942 the Ghetto Administration had paid out a total of 680 000 RM. Fourteen times appeared the names Behm, Bürstinger, Neumann, Otto and Plate in the accounting for amounts of RM 30 000, on one occasion to pick up 100 000 RM. The members of the Municipal Evacuation Staff were also paid in cash as an extra allowance in addition to their salary.
Also, all non-personnel costs for the operation of the extermination camp were financed from this Special Account. Cement, chloride of lime, disinfectant, or waste oil were repeatedly ordered on demand by Kulmhof from the Ghetto Administration and picked up by the Sonderkommando. Ultimately it also included the constant supply of liquor and cigarettes for the  murderers as a running cost.[It is not clear if inmates assisting in the disposal of the dead received alcohol and cigarettes,sic]
Cash deposits came of course directly from Chelmno, where the Jewish castle commando had to search through the clothes and bags of the victims. Between February 28 and 31 December 1942, a total of 21 entries totalling  1.9 million Reichsmarks were made, also deliveries of foreign exchange and gold currencies were made and then sent by the Ghetto Administration to the Reichsbank in Berlin. A little later the Reichsmark-Credit-System came into use for the special account.
Jews forced to sort confiscated goods
In view of ghetto closures, homes of the Jews were searched, ovens were taken apart and floorboards ripped out. Not that it made any difference to the Jews at assembly points shortly before their selection, they too were "relieved" of their money and valuables. In this way until the end of 1942 almost 460 000 RM were stolen, and from the Jews at Lask the amount of 71 748 RM was so high that it was mentioned in the monthly report of the Lodz(Litzmannstadt) Gestapo office. Individual receipts from the ravaged land of 19 village ghettos also show that some weeks and  months after the deportation of the Jews, money and jewellery was still found. The cash amounts were immediately credited to the Special Account, the jewellery went to the Litzmannstadt Ghetto Administration and sold on the open market.
The lack of storage capacity on the castle grounds for luggage and textiles required in the spring of 1942, the first funded investment through the special account. Because they feared the self-ignition of clothing, the ghetto administration purchased a disused factory in the village of  Pabinice outside the city limits of  Litzmannstadt, as a branch warehouse. Here, the researching and recovery of garments were outsourced from the courtyard. The location was chosen because of its proximity to the large ghetto, where reusable material was transferred to. In addition, there was a greater disinfection plant used by Volksdeutsche(ethnic Germans) who would in turn send wearable clothing and bedding material to the appropriate NS-Wohlfat [a Nazi Welfare Organisation.sic]
The scope of this vast accumulation of "wealth" from deported and murdered Jews, with the amount of inventory work involved, can be seen from a letter written by a staff member of the Country's Economy Office in Poznań (Posen) barely two weeks after the opening of the camp on 18 May 1942. The Department was advised to expect 900 truckloads from Camp Chelmno (Kulmhof), which would require a higher allocation of diesel fuel. The financial transactions of reclaimed and found material from the victims at the camp, which an accounting staff member of the Ghetto Administration once dubbed and entered it mischievously  as "Factory-Kulmhof--Pabianice" was also huge. Between 22 May 1942 and February 1943, they made 67 entries for a total of 1,076,689.44 Reichsmark and 11,719.00 U.S. dollars into the accounts of the Ghetto Administration. The uncounted coins were sent in 93 bags in the summer of 1942.  Again,  gold currencies had been found: 4480 Rubles, 1525 Goldmark, 1451 Gold Dollars, which were handed over to the Reichsbank.
 It is clear that the control over such an important account, the responsibility of the regional planning for the Holocaust lies with the highest level of the NS-Leadership . Häusler and his superior Mehlhorn received duplicates of the bank statements, which was sent to them in Posen, so they were always informed about the current account balances. While the staff of the Reich Government could direct the Accounting Department of the Ghetto Administration to spend certain amounts, this was not possible for the staff of the Security Police. Some examples show very well that even the HSSPF Wilhelm Koppe could suggest payouts to the benefit of the Gestapo, but this was not automatic and he did not have direct excess. His requests to that effect had to be approved by Greiser.  When in the course of 1942,  the Inland Revenue Department came to the Litzmannstadt Gestapo office, because there was a Jewish person deported as a debtor, the clerk had to present management of the Ghetto Administration the complaint and then ordered the payment of the outstanding amount. Gauleiter Greise personally put his hand into the till. He requested on 17 February 1943 an amount of 4 million Reichsmarks[a considerable sum at that time.sic] to fund one of his reptile projects. With this transaction, (concealed) in favour of Greiser, the account balance temporarily had dwindled to RM 8000. But the special account was always replenished with the proceeds from the auctions of the Jewish households and the wage share of those Jews who were being exploited in the labour camps(Arbeitslager). In this way it retained even after the closure of Kulmhof a high positive balance.
SS-Obergruppenführer(SS-General) Wilhelm Koppe salutes SS and German police troops 
SS-OBERGRUPPENFÜHRER WILHELM KOPPE
He also held the position of state secretary on the issues of security (Staatssekretär für das Sicherheitswesen) in the General Government, and was involved in the operations of Chelmno extermination camp and Warsaw concentration camp as well as operations against the Polish resistance. He organised the execution of more than 30,000 Polish patients suffering from tuberculosis, and ordered that all male relatives of identified resistance fighters should be executed, and the rest of their family sent to concentration camps.
The Polish Secret State ordered his death, but an assassination attempt failed. He was wounded by the Kedyw unit - Batalion Parasol in "Operation Koppe" (Akcja Koppe) part of "Operation Heads" on 11 July 1944 in Kraków(Krakau).
With the Eastern Front approaching Poland, Koppe ordered all prisoners to be executed rather than freed by the Soviets.
In 1945 Koppe went underground and assumed an alias (Lohmann, his wife's surname) and became a director of a chocolate factory in Bonn, Germany. In 1960 he was arrested but released on bail on 19 April 1962. His trial opened in 1964 in Bonn. He was accused of being accessory to the mass murder of 145,000 people. The trial was adjourned due to Koppe's ill health and in 1966 the Bonn court decided not to prosecute and Koppe was released for medical reasons. The German government refused a Polish request for extradition. Koppe died in 1975 in Bonn.


Continued under part 3